The Struggle for Educational Mobility: A Tale of Race and Reward

• Since World War II, disadvantaged Blacks have been as upwardly mobile as disadvantaged Whites in education.
• However, highly educated Blacks struggle to maintain their educational advantages at a rate far greater than Whites.
• In other words, racial achievement gaps persist because even though Whites and Blacks are upwardly mobile at similar rates, Blacks are more downwardly mobile than Whites.

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The Problem: The Racial Achievement Gap

For as long as data have been collected on the American educational system, those data have shown significant disparities between White and Black students. For instance:

• The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) consistently reports a persistent gap in reading and mathematics scores between Black and White K-12 students.
• Furthermore, the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) data shows that the percentage of Black students who complete a Bachelor’s degree within six years is significantly lower than their White counterparts.
• A 2017 study from the Federal Reserve of St. Louis Review titled “‘Family Achievements?’: How a College Degree Accumulates Wealth for Whites and Not for Blacks” reveals that while a college education is linked to higher lifetime earnings and better economic achievements for White households, the same does not hold true for Black households. In fact, the racial wealth gap is not only present among college-educated households–it is even greater than among non-college educated households.

In general, there are 3 areas where social scientists have sought explanations for these persisting disparities: (1) K-12 education, (2) higher education, and (3) intergenerational advantages.

K-12 Education

The Coleman Report, published in 1966, was a landmark study in the sociology of education:

• It was commissioned by the Department of Education, and collected mountains of data from 4,000 schools and nearly 650,000 American children during the early 1960s.
• Surprisingly, the study found that school quality, measured by factors like per-pupil expenditure, teacher-student ratio, and physical facilities, had only a minor effect on educational achievement.
• The biggest factor in predicting how well a student would do educationally was their own parents’ socioeconomic status (education, income, and wealth).

When some skeptics, such as sociologist Christopher Jencks, attempted to replicate Coleman’s findings with new data decades later, they reached the same conclusion. And that’s what studies have continued to find to this day:

• Over and over again, school quality has been found to have only a minor effect on educational outcomes.
• And, over and over again, the socioeconomic success (or lack thereof) of one’s parents has been found to be the biggest predictor of who succeeds educationally.

Nevertheless, sociologists have still found some school-level factors that have a large influence on educational achievement. Research into seasonal comparisons, which compare student learning during the school year and the summer, for instance, has been particularly illuminating:

• Barbara Heyns was the first to conduct such a study in 1978, finding that the achievement gap between Black and White students widened more during the summer than the school year.
• More recent research by Downey et al. in 2008 confirmed these findings, suggesting that out-of-school factors may play a larger role in the racial achievement gap than previously thought.

Higher Education

Research by William Velez and Terrell L. Strayhorn, among others, has shown that racial gaps persist in college access and completion rates:

• Black students are less likely to enroll in and complete college than their White peers. These disparities persist even after controlling for factors like socioeconomic status and high school achievement.
• Factors such as high school preparation, family income, and institutional characteristics contribute to these disparities.
• Furthermore, Black students are more likely to attend under-resourced institutions and less likely to complete their degrees on time.

Student debt has had an enormous effect on wealth accumulation in recent generations, and many studies, such those by Jason N. Houle and Elizabeth A. Armstrong and Laura T. Hamilton’s book, Paying for the Party, have found significant racial disparities here as well. In short, Black students are:

• More likely to take on higher amounts of debt
• More likely to have difficulty repaying their debt
• More likely to experience negative consequences, such as default or failing to complete their degree

The differential burden of student debt contributes to the racial wealth gap, and can also affect Black graduates’ life choices and opportunities.

Intergenerational Privilege

Pierre Bourdieu was one of the most influential sociologists of the 20th century. Although he was hardly the first to conceptualize different forms of capital, his theories of economic, cultural, and social capital have been instrumental in understanding how privileged groups maintain their advantages.

For example, in her book, Unequal Childhoods, Annette Lareau uses Bourdieusian theory to argue that the shrinking American middle class has led to major racial and class differences in parenting styles:

• White, affluent parents use a strategy of “concerted cultivation,” which is designed to make maximum use of their advantages.
• Parents who embrace concerted cultivation actively foster their children’s skills and talents, providing their children with expensive enrichment opportunities, such as private tutoring and extracurricular activities, that poorer families cannot.
• Black families, meanwhile, are more likely to use the “natural growth” approach that used to be more prevalent before the 1980s, allowing their children’s abilities to develop organically.

Since the publication of Unequal Childhoods in 2002, concerted cultivation has become even more intense and normalized, as middle- and upper-class parents cram their children into endless structured activities in hopes of acceptance at an elite college.

The Ultrawealthy

Social scientists often make a distinction between the wealthy and the ultrawealthy. In short, the former may earn a high income, but has little in the way of wealth: real estate holdings, stocks, bonds, trusts, and other assets that continue to generate value across multiple generations. The top 1%, by contrast, tend to have high income and high wealth. And Blacks are especially underrepresented among this most exclusive group.

Partly this is because, as with women, there remains a racial and ethnic “glass ceiling” that thwarts the advancement and upward mobility of racial and ethnic minority individuals in the workplace, particularly in positions of leadership and power:

• Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics from 2019 shows that racial disparities persist in occupational segregation, with minority individuals being overrepresented in lower-paying jobs and underrepresented in higher-paying professions.
• However, even when promising managers of color are considered for executive positions, they are often passed over in favor of less deserving White candidates. Their relative lack of social and cultural capital is typically cited as a major reason why.
• This explains findings such as those published by the American Association of University Women, which found that women of color hold only 4% of executive or senior-level positions in S&P 500 companies.
• Similarly, according to a study by the Center for Talent Innovation, as recently as 2020, only 3.2% of Fortune 500 CEOs were Black, highlighting the significant underrepresentation of Black leaders at the highest corporate levels.

Conclusion

As my mentor, Amy Best, Professor of Sociology at George Mason University, is fond of observing, we pour a lot of hopes into our schools. We expect them to operate on a shoestring budget. Yet we also insist that they level inequalities, educate everyone to their highest possible level, and produce adults capable of solving our greatest social ills. As a result, the educational system makes a handy scapegoat for a wide range of political causes.

But the findings have been clear for several decades: schools have only a minor effect on perpetuating inequalities. Instead, intergenerational privilege plays a more significant role in perpetuating the racial achievement gap. Karlson’s study both confirms this surprising finding and also extends it, by locating more precisely where the sharp racial disparities start to manifest.

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The Study

Karlson is drawing from an established theory of Maximally Maintained Inequality. MMI argues that educational inequalities will continue to persist, despite the expansion of educational opportunities. This is because privileged parents will encourage their children to pursue degrees that are exclusive enough to maintain their advantage over the less-educated. As a degree becomes too “common,” advantaged children learn to target more exclusive degrees, while disadvantaged children content themselves with earning only the more common degrees.

MMI, however, does not have an explicit racial dimension to it. Karlson wants to introduce this through his hypothesized theory of Differently Maintained Advantage:

• DMA argues that the ability to maintain educational advantage is not uniform across all racial groups.
• Whites, once they become advantaged, are more consistently able to parlay their initial successes into intergenerational advantages.
• Blacks, for the many reasons covered in the previous section, have a much harder time translating educational success in one generation into advantages for their children and grandchildren.

Data and Methods

Much of the value of Karlson’s study lay in his data and analysis:

• Karlson’s study leverages the General Social Survey, an annual survey administered by the University of Chicago and a major source of data on American adults, spanning several decades. This is what allows him to examine 70 years worth of educational outcomes and examine educational mobility so directly.
• Karlson’s analysis is further enhanced by his innovative use of a percentile-based approach. This method allows him to examine the distribution of educational attainment across different percentiles, providing a more detailed picture of educational mobility than traditional mean comparisons.
• (Much of Karlson’s 53-page article is concerned with presenting this novel approach, explaining its strengths and limitations, and establishing why this is a superior method compared to previous analyses.)

Sometimes, profound results emerge from very ordinary analyses. This is one occasion, however, when the strength of Karlson’s conclusions is a direct result of his pioneering a different and more useful (for the purpose of his study) way to analyze a very comprehensive dataset.

Results

In terms of upward educational mobility, Karlson controlled for parental education and found that, when parents had similar levels of schooling, Blacks attained on average 1.1 years of schooling less than Whites before World War II. But the Civil Rights movement and subsequent reforms changed this picture dramatically:

• The gap between Whites and Blacks did not disappear (and still has not). But it did shrink by nearly two-thirds to a gap of 0.4 years of schooling for those born after 1940.
• Focusing more directly on those at the bottom of the educational distribution, the gaps shrink even further and even disappeared or reversed (that is, disadvantaged Blacks were slightly more likely than disadvantaged Whites to end up with more years of schooling) in some analyses.
• Several of these gaps, moreover, are not statistically significant, meaning they’re so small that we can’t be sure whether Whites or Blacks fare better.
• “Put differently,” Karlson summarizes after laying out the contradictory results of these upward mobility analyses for those born after 1940, “Blacks and Whites experienced similar rates of upward mobility.”

However, when it comes to downward educational mobility, Karlson found large, significant differences. And, unlike upward mobility, which saw a huge difference between those born before or after World War II, these differences are as impactful upon those born in 1984 as they were upon those born in 1915:

• On average, Black Americans born between 1915 and 1984 were between 14 percentage points more likely than White Americans to complete fewer years of school than their parents, a very large and significant difference. (By contrast, there was no more than 4 percent difference in any of the analyses that examined the odds of Whites and Blacks completing more years of school than their parents.
• Differences were strong and significant in all the analyses Karlson conducted: between 8 and 18 percent for those born between 1915 and 1939; between 8 and 21 percent for those born between 1940 and 1969; and between 11 and 18 percent for those born between 1970 and 1984.
• There is, Karlson concludes, “a profound and lasting ‘white stickiness’ at the top of the schooling distribution,” as well as “a pattern of ‘perverse openness’ throughout the century, as blacks experience the same or higher mobility rates as whites but are more concentrated in the lower parts of the distribution.”

Conclusion

It’s pretty easy to find evidence of racial disparities in quantitative (i.e., survey and statistically-based) studies. But it’s hard to find such clear evidence of how those disparities operate, and where they come from.

Karlson provides uniquely compelling evidence of how racial advantages are maintained across generations. It accords well with what sociologists have already uncovered, from the Coleman report and Bourdieu’s groundbreaking studies to Unequal Childhoods and more recent studies. That is, intergenerational inequalities are ultimately traceable not to schools, but to the societal structures that limit the ability of certain groups to maintain their advantaged status.

For example, literally hundreds of studies have found that Bourdieu’s theories of economic, social, and cultural capital explain well how socioeconomic advantages perpetuate across multiple generations, despite the best efforts of schools to level the playing field. But many of these studies have been qualitative (i.e., based on interviews, focus groups, and observations) rather than quantitative . Karlson’s study provides rare statistical confirmation that intergenerational inequalities are less the result of what happens in classrooms. They are more the product of glass ceilings at work, concerted cultivation in homes, and other processes that happen outside of school hours.

What can you do to increase educational mobility among Blacks?

1) Spread information; fight disinformation.

The first step towards increasing educational mobility among Blacks is to spread accurate information and combat disinformation:

• People need to know–despite the claims of a certain political party that shall remain nameless–that intergenerational wealth is not a result of inherent superiority or hard work alone.
• It’s also essential to emphasize that schools–while hardly perfect and still very much worth improving–are not the primary cause of intergenerational advantages.
• Instead, the main factor is White individuals using their existing advantages to maintain these benefits across generations. Advantaged Whites are about 15 percent more likely than advantaged Blacks to have children who grow up to be advantaged themselves.

For this reason, it is worth retaining some skepticism of the many education “reformers” out there, insisting that their unique vision will “save” the educational system from its overblown failings.

• My dissertation, for example, was partly concerned with a struggling private school, a startup company attempting to “disrupt” education by monetizing educational videos, and their disastrous partnership. Digital technologies are not likely to level inequalities in education. In fact, they are already perpetuating them.
• Charter schools, often touted as a solution to educational disparities, are also not a panacea. They vary widely in quality and effectiveness. Recent studies, such as one by Winters and Dixon (2021), suggest that while some charter schools can outperform traditional public schools, the overall impact on reducing racial disparities is inconsistent.
• For that matter, any reform that proposes to fix schools alone should be treated with skepticism, because those who know the research know that it is advantages out of school that have a greater effect on perpetuating racial achievement gaps.

2) Start as early as possible.

If we want to address racial achievement gaps in school (and we should!), the earlier the interventions begin, the better:

• Early literacy programs focus on developing children’s reading and writing skills, which are essential for their overall academic performance.
• They also help children develop a love for reading, which can motivate them to pursue learning independently.
• High-quality preschools, on the other hand, provide a structured environment where children can develop their cognitive, social, and emotional skills. They introduce children to a variety of learning experiences, fostering curiosity and a love for learning.

Dozens of studies have shown that children who attend high-quality preschools are more likely to perform well in school, graduate from high school, and have successful careers. A study from 2022 in Frontiers in Education, for example, examines the long-lasting effects from participation in preschool-to-third-grade programs, especially for

Early childhood programs should also be enthusiastically supported by fiscal conservatives, because compared to most social programs, the return on investment in early childhood is staggering. A review of the research by the National Forum on Early Childhood Policy and Programs, for instance, found that for every $1 invested into early childhood educational programs, there will be a $4 to $9 return in the form of future economic productivity. This is one of the few effective solutions that both political parties in the United States should be able to get behind.

3) Support more equitable policies.

The public school system has expanded massively since the 1980s. Unfortunately, it has also been hit by drastic budget cuts at the same time. Schools now have many more students and many more diverse needs, with fewer resources at their disposal to help them.

Supporting laws and policies that promote equity in education can certainly help increase Black educational mobility. These include:

• Advocating for equitable school funding
• Promoting teacher diversity
• Expanding access to advanced coursework
• Fostering college readiness
• Increasing financial aid for college
• Supporting high-quality career and technical education

Don’t be fooled into thinking the only policies that can help the educational system level the playing field and provide equal opportunities for all are academic ones. Especially in the poorest districts, schools may be the only place children can have consistent access to food, health care, or internet access. Advocate for schools in your own community to pursue policies that do the following, as well:

• Enhancing school climate and safety
• Providing comprehensive health and nutrition services
• Offering mental health services
• Ensuring access to technology

4) Address deficits in social and cultural capital.

Addressing the many factors that prevent Black people from moving into the ultrawealthy class, including deficits in social and cultural capital, is crucial.

There are many ways to improve social and cultural capital. Here is a list of 25 potential activities or initiatives:

1. Mentorship Programs: Pair students with successful individuals in their field of interest who can provide guidance and opportunities.
2. Cultural Exchange Programs: Encourage understanding and appreciation of different cultures.
3. Community Projects: Involve students in projects that benefit their community, fostering a sense of belonging and contribution.
4. Networking Events: Provide opportunities for students to meet and interact with professionals in various fields.
5. Internships: Offer work experiences that allow students to gain practical skills and build professional networks.
6. Study Abroad Programs: Expose students to different cultures and ways of life.
7. Access to Arts and Music Education: Foster creativity and cultural appreciation.
8. Financial Literacy Programs: Equip students with knowledge to make informed financial decisions.
9. Public Speaking and Leadership Training: Enhance students’ confidence and leadership skills.
10. College Visits: Familiarize students with higher education environments and expectations.
11. Career Counseling: Guide students in choosing and pursuing their career paths.
12. Scholarship Opportunities: Provide financial support for further education.
13. Diversity in Curriculum: Include diverse perspectives and histories in the curriculum.
14. After-School Clubs: Encourage participation in various activities to develop new skills and interests.
15. Parental Involvement: Engage parents in their children’s education.
16. Peer Tutoring: Promote collaborative learning and knowledge sharing.
17. Language Classes: Offer opportunities to learn new languages, enhancing cultural capital.
18. Counseling Services: Support students’ mental health and well-being.
19. Access to Technology: Ensure students have the necessary tools for modern learning.
20. Volunteer Opportunities: Encourage civic engagement and community service.
21. Inclusive Learning Environment: Foster a school culture that values diversity and inclusivity.
22. Teacher Diversity: Representation in educators can enhance students’ sense of belonging and aspiration.
23. Role Models: Highlight successful individuals from similar backgrounds to inspire students.
24. Cultural Celebrations: Celebrate and acknowledge different cultures within the school community.
25. Equitable School Policies: Ensure school policies do not disadvantage certain groups of students.

5) Be antiracist.

Eliminating racial achievement gaps requires more than just addressing symptoms; it requires the dismantling of structures that perpetuate racial privileges across generations. These structures, embedded in our education system, housing policies, labor market, and even our social interactions, systematically advantage certain racial groups while disadvantaging others. They create and reinforce disparities in wealth, education, and opportunities, which are then passed down from one generation to the next, perpetuating a cycle of racial inequality. (See: Racial Bias in Policing: Startling Findings from Florida’s Highway Patrol and Tackling Racism in the NFL: On-field Positions and Off-field Hiring.)

The concept of antiracism, as defined by scholars like Ibram X. Kendi, provides a framework for this necessary work. Antiracism is not just about rejecting racism in all its forms; it’s about actively working to dismantle the policies and structures that uphold racial disparities. It’s about recognizing that it’s not enough to be “not racist”–we must be actively antiracist. If we fail to do so, we risk being complicit in the perpetuation of racism.

Being antiracist means all of the following:

• Advocating for policies that promote racial equity in education, such as equitable school funding, diverse representation in teaching staff, and culturally responsive curricula.
• Challenging practices that disproportionately disadvantage Black students, like harsh disciplinary policies and tracking in education.
• Working to eliminate wealth gaps that limit Black families’ access to resources and opportunities.

Racism has permeated our institutions, and it requires active work to dismantle these structures. As Karlson’s findings remind us, achieving educational equality requires more than just expanding educational opportunities–it requires dismantling the structures that allow racial advantages to persist across generations.

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Considering the ongoing issue of racial disparities in education, how else can we advocate for more equitable practices and policies? Share your thoughts and actions in the comments.

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